Guide: How to cite a Online image or video in Pharmacoepidemiology and Drug Safety style

Guide: How to cite a Online image or video in Pharmacoepidemiology and Drug Safety style

Cite A Online image or video in Pharmacoepidemiology and Drug Safety style

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Use the following template to cite a online image or video using the Pharmacoepidemiology and Drug Safety citation style. For help with other source types, like books, PDFs, or websites, check out our other guides. To have your reference list or bibliography automatically made for you, try our free citation generator.


Pink text = information that you will need to find from the source.
Black text = text required by the Pharmacoepidemiology and Drug Safety style.

Reference list

Place this part in your bibliography or reference list at the end of your assignment.


1. Author Surname Author Initial. Title., Year Published. Available at: http://Website-Url. Accessed October 10, 2013.


1. gjqaedne g. oluvr zsdwx for 06% yufvsu8. United States: gjqaedne, 1976.

In-text citation

Place this part right after the quote or reference to the source in your assignment.




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Enter Proposition 45, whose advocates 鈥?chief among them, Santa Monica-based Consumer Watchdog 鈥?say it will put the word affordable back in care by giving the state鈥檚 insurance commissioner the authority to reject proposed health premium increases he deems excessive. The current commissioner, Dave Jones, already has the power to regulate premiums for home, auto and medical malpractice insurance, due to the landmark Prop. 103, which California voters passed 26 years ago. But his range does not extend to health insurance companies. The state鈥檚 other health insurance regulator, the Department of Managed Health Care, also has no such power. Prop. 45 expands the language of Prop. 103 to include health insurance that is sold to individuals and small businesses, though not large employers. It would be retroactive to 2012, which means insurers could be required to pay refunds on premiums they鈥檝e already been collecting for two years. As it enters the home stretch of this fall鈥檚 election campaign, however, two polls show the contentious ballot initiative losing steam. A Field Poll released Friday showed Prop. 45 losing 42 percent to 30 percent among likely voters, with 28 percent still undecided. That is a sharp reversal from Field鈥檚 September survey, in which the measure led by a margin of 41 to 26, and especially from July, when it held a whopping 69-16 advantage. A Public Policy Institute of California poll of likely voters published last week showed the measure losing by seven percentages, after it had led by 10 points a month earlier. One poll, published earlier this week by Stanford University鈥檚 Hoover Institution, did show Prop. 45 leading by a margin of 42 percent to 30 percent. Maybe it should come as little surprise that the 鈥測es鈥?on 45 forces have been dislodged from the political heights they commanded over the summer. The measure鈥檚 opponents have so far raised $56 million, about 15 times more than Consumer Watchdog and its allies have managed to scrape together, according to data from the state鈥檚 Fair Political Practices Commission. The same data show almost all of that money has come from four large insurance companies: Kaiser ($18.9 million); Wellpoint, the parent company of Blue Cross of California ($18.9 million); Blue Shield of California ($12.5 million); and Health Net ($5.5 million). 鈥淲hen the opposition is spending 15 times more, voters are not going to have a balanced view of the pros and cons of the measure,鈥?says Daniel G. Newman, president and co-founder of Maplight, a nonpartisan research organization that tracks money in politics. 鈥淭hese groups wouldn鈥檛 be spending millions of dollars on advertising if it didn鈥檛 have an impact.鈥?To be fair, the 鈥渘o鈥?on 45 people have assembled a large 鈥?and unlikely 鈥?coalition that extends well beyond the health insurers. It includes several labor unions and pro-business groups, as well as the hospital industry, doctors鈥?groups and virtually every medical association in the state. Civil rights groups such as the NAACP and the U.S. House Democratic Party leader, Nancy Pelosi, D-San Francisco, have also weighed in against the measure. Many in organized labor, and in the business community, fear rate regulation could interfere with the availability or affordability of health plans for workers. Doctors worry that caps on premiums would mean caps on their income. And most opponents of the measure object to the creation of what they term an 鈥渋nsurance czar.鈥?On the 鈥測es鈥?side are a number of unions, consumer groups and other nonprofits, in addition to the California branch of the National Organization for Women and the state鈥檚 Democratic Party establishment, including U.S. Sens. Dianne Feinstein and Barbara Boxer and insurance commissioner Jones. They see a gaping need to rein in health insurance premiums, which by one measure rose 185 percent between 2002 and 2013, according to the California HealthCare Foundation. And they cite Prop. 103 as a successful precedent for doing so. A study by the Consumer Federation of America shows that California drivers have saved more than $100 billion on auto insurance rates since the passage of Prop. 103 and that auto premiums have actually fallen in California over that period even as they rose 43 percent across the United States. 鈥淚t鈥檚 a very powerful argument for providing the same protections to health insurance consumers,鈥?says Carmen Balber, executive director of Consumer Watchdog. The measure鈥檚 opponents say rate controls on auto and homeowner coverage do not translate to health care, in large part because Covered California, the state鈥檚 health insurance exchange, already negotiates rates with the insurers and is motivated to get the lowest premiums possible. The 鈥渘o鈥?side has used its overflowing war chest to run hard-hitting ads 鈥?and a counter-intuitively named website,  鈥?that warn the measure would undermine Covered California by superseding rate negotiations it had already conducted with the health plans and delaying approval of those plans beyond the enrollment deadlines. They also accuse Commissioner Jones of a 鈥減ower grab鈥?and assert that the ballot initiative would put him and his successors between patients and their doctors by allowing them to interfere with treatment decisions. Particularly galling to the anti-45 coalition, or at least to the health insurance companies that are financing it, is a provision 鈥?also in Prop. 103 鈥?that allows third parties to file rate hike challenges and recover their costs through fees paid by the insurers. Consumer Watchdog has been the principal beneficiary of these 鈥渋ntervenor鈥?fees under Prop. 103. 鈥淔or those of us who would like to see health reform, Proposition 45 sets us back, and it does so while lining the pockets of the people who put it on the ballot,鈥?says Robin Swanson, spokeswoman for 鈥渘o鈥?on 45. Covered California is also wary of the measure. Its executive director, Peter Lee, told a state Assembly committee in July that Prop. 45 could compromise the exchange鈥檚 ability to negotiate with the health plans if they thought the insurance commissioner would 鈥渟econd guess鈥?the agreed-on rates. And Lee fretted that the rate-approval process could take too long, leading to a situation in which 鈥渁 rate isn鈥檛 approved and can鈥檛 be used for open enrollment.鈥?Consumer Watchdog refutes that argument and every other criticism thrown its way, and it has resorted to some pretty strong tactics of its own. On Wednesday, the group dumped wheelbarrows of steer manure outside a meeting of health insurance executives in San Francisco to 鈥渞eturn some of the B.S. companies are dishing out to voters on Prop. 45.鈥?Balber dismisses the notion that Covered California could miss its deadlines. 鈥淭he insurance commissioner, under Prop. 45, will write guidelines requiring every rate review and final decision to be completed in time for open enrollment,鈥?she says. 鈥淚t鈥檚 as simple as that.鈥?And she rebuts the charges of financial self-interest, saying that Consumer Watchdog is representing ordinary residents who don鈥檛 have the financial firepower to match the insurance companies. The state鈥檚 medical establishment is lined up heavily against Prop. 45, out of fear that it could hit the financial interest of doctors and make them less available to patients. 鈥淚f the commissioner cut premiums in half, it would cut payments to physicians in half,鈥?says Sam Fink, an internist and past president of the Los Angeles County Medical Association. 鈥淪o by cutting premiums you can affect the size of a network and how many physicians participate.鈥?But some doctors think Prop. 45 is a much needed check on insurance companies that will help the Affordable Care Act live up to its name. 鈥淚 think it would help lower costs, which would allow more people to have access to health insurance,鈥?says Bill Honigman, an emergency room doctor at two Orange County hospitals. Contact the writer: 714-796-2440 or 
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