Guide: How to cite a Broadcast in JAMP style
Cite A Broadcast in JAMP style
Use the following template to cite a broadcast using the JAMP citation style. For help with other source types, like books, PDFs, or websites, check out our other guides. To have your reference list or bibliography automatically made for you, try our free citation generator.
Key:Pink text = information that you will need to find from the source.
Black text = text required by the JAMP style.
Place this part in your bibliography or reference list at the end of your assignment.
1. Title: Year Published.
1. United States Institute of Peace: Special Report. Washington, DC; 2003:4-5. Available at: http://www.usip.org/sites/default/files/sr98.pdf. Accessed April 28, 2015.
Place this part right after the quote or reference to the source in your assignment.
What is the casus belli for a military attack on Iraq? Among the several causes put forward by the Bush administration, the most troubling is its argument for preemptive or preventive use of force. Like many ethicists, the bishops recognize that preemptive or anticipatory use of force is sometimes morally permissible, but only in the exceptional case where there is a clear and present danger, or a grave and imminent threat. Ethicists and others differ on whether Iraq poses such a threat. . . . Whether or not the Iraqi threat is, in fact, imminent, what is disturbing is that the Bush administration has taken the concept of preemption as an option in exceptional cases and turned it into a new doctrine about the legitimacy of the unilateral use of preventive war to deal not just with imminent threats, but with merely potential or gathering dangers. . . . Justifying preventive war in this way would represent a sharp departure from just war norms. As Cardinal Ratzinger, head of the Vatican Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith, has noted, the concept “does not appear in the Catechism of the Catholic Church” (“Cardinal Ratzinger Says Unilateral Attack on Iraq Not Justified,” ZENIT News Agency, September 22, 2002). Preventive war would set a terrible precedent. Where would this doctrine lead? What criteria would permit Pakistan, Israel, and India to have nuclear weapons, but not Iraq, Iran, or North Korea? Would the world be a safer place if all countries embraced this new doctrine of preventive force to deal with the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction? It might be that the administration is not advocating preventive war but merely redefining “preemption” in order to deal with weapons of mass destruction held by rogue states. If that is the case, it must be done very carefully so as not to erase the vital distinction between impermissible preventive and permissible preemptive interThe bishops “fear that resort to war, under present circumstances and in light of current public information, would not meet the strict conditions in Catholic teaching for overriding the strong presumption against the use of military force.” Justifying preventive war in this way would represent a sharp departure from just war norms. 5 ventions. For example, what criteria would justify a new concept of preemption: possession, intent to possess, threatened use, a history of aggression? Would preemption to enforce non-proliferation be justifiable even when the nation claiming the right to preempt itself relies on weapons of mass destruction and threatens their preemptive use? Given the difficulties in redefining preemption without, in effect, justifying preventive war, the bishops have tried to reinforce existing conceptions of just cause by questioning the morality of any use of force absent “clear and adequate evidence of an imminent attack of a grave nature.” A second justification for the use of force against Iraq is based on Iraq’s alleged links to terrorism. While the administration has not made it the principal case for going to war with Iraq, it has tried to connect the Iraqi regime to al Qaeda. According to the bishops, there would be just cause to use force against Iraq if there was clear and adequate evidence of Iraqi involvement in the attacks of September 11. In that case, the use of force would be an act of self-defense, just as force could be justified against the Taliban in Afghanistan, given its intimate relationship to al Qaeda and the considerable evidence at the time that al Qaeda was responsible for the 9/11 attacks. The key factual question is whether and to what extent Iraq is tied to al Qaeda or similar terrorist groups. Given that al Qaeda is estimated to operate in some sixty countries, military action to overthrow the regime (as opposed to other less forceful measures) would have to be based on evidence of substantial support. A third basis for justifying force is humanitarian intervention. The need for humanitarian intervention has been more implicit than explicit in the administration’s arguments in large part because it departs from the their broader strategy of using military force only when vital national security interests are at stake and their stated distaste for engaging in “international social work” and nation building. Others, however, have made a moral case for humanitarian intervention. In many respects, humanitarian intervention represents St. Augustine’s classic case: love may require force to protect the innocent. Pope John Paul II, citing the “conscience of humanity and international humanitarian law,” has gone beyond standard interpretations of international law in claiming that nations and the international community have not only a right, but a duty of humanitarian intervention “where the survival of populations and entire ethnic groups is seriously compromised” (“Address to the Int 1
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